Charles Fourierinfluential early French socialist thinker Socialist models and ideas espousing common or public ownership have existed since antiquity. It has been claimed—though controversially—that there were elements of socialist thought in the politics of classical Greek philosophers Plato  and Aristotle. Christian socialism was one of the founding threads of the UK Labour Party and is said to be a tradition going back years to the uprising of Wat Tyler and John Ball .
Introduction[ edit ] To fully understand the peculiarities of the history of the system of public finance, and that of the closely related system of private international finance and banking of the Dutch Republic, one has to view it in the context of the general history of the Netherlands and of its institutions, and of the general Economic History of the Netherlands - In contrast to that general history this is a sectoral history, concerning the fiscal and financial sector.
It is important to realize that those general histories differ in an important way from those of centralized Western European monarchies, like SpainFranceEnglandDenmark and Sweden in the early modern era.
The Netherlands were highly decentralized from their origins in the Habsburg Netherlands in the late 15th century, and other than the monarchies just mentioned successfully resisted attempts to bring them together under the centralized authority of a modern state.
Indeed, the Dutch Revolt that gave rise to the Republic of the United Netherlands, effectively resulted from resistance against attempts by the representatives of king Philip II of Spainthe Habsburg ruler of the country, to institute such a centralized state and a centralized system of public finance.
Where in other instances the modern fiscal system resulted from, and was made subservient to, the interests of a centralizing monarchical state, in the Dutch instance the emerging fiscal system was the basis of, and was mobilized in the interests of the defense of, a stubbornly decentralised political entity.
Ironically, the Habsburg rulers themselves pushed through the fiscal reforms that gave the rebellious provinces the wherewithal to resist the power of the sovereign. Emperor Charles V needed to increase the borrowing capacity of his government to finance his many military adventures.
To that end it was necessary to put in place a number of fiscal reforms that would ensure that the public debt could be adequately serviced thereby increasing the creditworthiness of his government. In the president of the Habsburg Council of State, Lodewijk van Schoor, proposed the levy of a number of taxes throughout the Habsburg Netherlands: Other than expected, these reforms strengthened the position of the provinces, especially Holland, because as a condition of agreeing to the reform the States of Holland demanded and got total control of the disbursement of the taxes.
Holland was now able to establish credit of its own, as the province was able to retire bond loans previously placed under compulsion as enforced loans. By this it demonstrated to potential creditors it was worthy of trust. This brought a market for voluntary credit into being that previously did not exist.
This enabled Holland, and other provinces, to float bonds at a reasonable interest rate in a large pool of voluntary investors. On the contrary, its financing needs increased tremendously after the accession of Philip II, and this led to the crisis that caused the Revolt.
This brought about a general revolt in the Netherlands, particularly in the northern provinces. Those were able to withstand the onslaught of the royalist forces militarily, because of the fiscal basis they had built in previous years.
Of course, they now withheld the subsidies to the central government their taxes were supposed to finance. That central government was therefore forced to finance the war by transfers from other Habsburg lands, especially Spain itself.
This led to an enormous increase in the size of the Spanish public debt, which that country was ultimately unable to sustain, and hence to the need to accept Dutch independence in This economic revolution was partly the cause of, and partly helped along further, by a number of fiscal and financial innovations that helped the Dutch economy make the transition to "modernity" in the early 17th century.
Public finance[ edit ] The "constitution" of the new Republic, the Union-of-Utrecht treaty oftried to lay the basis of a revolutionary new fiscal system. It put in place a rudimentary confederal budget system that charged the Raad van State Council of State  with drafting an annual Staat van Oorlog war budget.
This budget was presented in a "General Petition" to the States-General for unanimous approval. Alas, these two latter provisions were never implemented. Instead, the provinces continued the practice under the Habsburg rulers that the provinces paid a fixed quotum the repartitie of the budget.
Holland's contribution was the norm from which the contributions of other provinces were derived. After some changes the quota were fixed in as follows to remain unchanged till Friesland one-fifth of Holland's share; Zeeland after some diligent bargaining 16 percent; Utrecht and Groningen one-tenth each; Gelderland 9.
Within the provinces there were other quota systems to determine the contributions of the cities and of the countryside. In Holland, the city of Amsterdam was by far the largest contributor though this was different from Habsburg times, when Delft made the relatively largest contribution which explained the influence that city wielded, even at the national level.
This system remained in place throughout the life of the Republic. Simon van Slingelandt made an attempt in to reform it by giving more power to the center. He convened the Groote Vergadering a kind of constitutional convention in that year, prompted by the fact that the Generality faced a liquidity crisis inwhen most provinces fell into arrears on their contributions.Ricardian equivalence is an economic theory that suggests that when a government tries to stimulate an economy by increasing debt-financed government spending, demand remains unchanged.
According to the Ricardian equivalence theorem, government deficits do not affect the level of output because people: A) do not understand the relationship between deficits and aggregate demand. B) know that current deficits must be paid in the future and they reduce savings today.
|Search the History Girls||Indeed, as he has total power over issuance of certificates, he is now a major source of weakness, reflecting great stress on the word 'trust'.|
|Ricardian equivalence - Wikipedia||Here we explain the idea of Ricardian Equivalence, discuss why it is controversial among economists, and present our view about how the ideas and criticisms that arise from Ricardian Equivalence apply to current debates about fiscal policy. Modern governments typically finance their spending in two ways:|
|Ricardian Equivalence | Economics Help||Consumers become more reluctant to part with dollars, as they have been made worse off in the future and prefer to save. Unfortunately, after this steepening, the expenditure supply curve now intersects with the sticky-prices region of the expenditure demand curve.|
|Ricardian Equivalence and Keynesian Macroeconomics | Muddy Water Macro||Here I want to examine the question of how great the burden of extra debt is on future generations, if that debt financed not investment, but consumption spending or tax cuts that had only current period benefits. Our initial instinct would be that this burden is bound to be positive.|
Ricardian equivalence, labour theory of value, comparative advantage, law of diminishing returns, Ricardian socialism, Economic rent David Ricardo (18 April – 11 September ) was a British political economist, one of the most influential of the classical economists along with Thomas Malthus, Adam Smith and James Mill.
This chapter focuses on the estimation and interpretation of gravity equations for bilateral trade. This necessarily involves a careful consideration of the theoretical underpinnings since it has become clear that naive approaches to estimation lead to biased and frequently misinterpreted results.
view has been attributed to the work of Barro (). Since the suggestions of Ricardian equivalence have several important as well as controversial implications, I briefly review the concept of Ricardian equivalence here. To hold Ricardian equivalence, the economic agents are assumed to access capital 2 See Seater (), p Making a mask began with laying bandages soaked in plaster across the face to make a cast.
Holes were left at the nostrils for the patient to breathe through but nonetheless it was a rather suffocating experience that had to be carefully timed, as the plaster became hot as it dried.